19 As stated above, the UUP decided to be part of the Remain camp. In fact, it focused on the same arguments as the SDLP and Sinn Féin, but in a British context and not in a purely Irish context. Three main reasons were at the heart of the UUP`s position on the European referendum: (1) Northern Ireland benefited from EUROPEAN funds and, therefore, Brexit would threaten the economy; (2) An exit from the EU would re-establish a hard border or border controls linked to unrest and, therefore, undesirable; (3) If the UK were to vote in favour of Brexit (Scotland voting to remain in the EU), a second Scottish referendum on independence would be almost inevitable, with serious consequences for Northern Ireland due to the break-up of the UK.42 Katy Hayward and Maurice Campbell wrote that the Legatum Institute`s “solution” for the Brexit border was very problematic in responding to it (18 September 2017). No no. The Good Friday agreement was featured in some of the Article 50 disputes, including the Gina Miller case, but the issue of a hard border was not addressed. June 2016: www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/opinion/news-analysis/arlene-foster-its-time-we-took-back-the-levers-of-power-from-eu-bureaucrats-34808294.html [2016 Aug 7]. A number of bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements have made controls less intrusive; The completion of the European internal market in 1992 meant a gradual graduation of controls on goods. However, during the unrest in Northern Ireland, there were British military checkpoints at the main border crossing points and British security forces made some crossing points impassable, but not all remaining crossing points. In 2005, during the implementation phase of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the last border inspection point was lifted. [1] He said any new border infrastructure would be considered “wild game” for attacks by dissident Republicans…